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റോസാ ലക്സംബർഗ്: ഒരു ലഘുജീവചരിത്രം

'ചുവന്ന റോസ' എന്ന് സഖാക്കളാൽ സ്നേഹപൂർവ്വം സംബോധന ചെയ്യപ്പെട്ട, റോസാ ലക്സംബർഗ്, ലോക കമ്യൂണിസ്റ്റ് പ്രസ്ഥാനത്തിന് ഒരു വഴിവിളക്കായി എന്നും ജ്വലിച്ചു നിൽക്കുന്നു. മാർക്സിസത്തിന്റെ ജൈവികത നിലനിർത്താനായി ലെനിനുമായിപ്പോലും ആശയപ്പോരാട്ടങ്ങളിലേർപ്പെട്ട റോസാ, എന്നും ഒരു പോരാളിയായിരുന്നു. റഷ്യൻ സാമ്രാജ്യത്തിൻ്റെ ഭരണത്തിൻ കീഴിലായിരുന്ന പോളണ്ടിലെ സ്മോസ്ക് എന്ന ഗ്രാമത്തിൽ ഒരിടത്തരം ജൂതകുടുംബത്തിൽ 1871 മാർച്ച് 5-ാം തിയ്യതി ജനിച്ച റോസാ, മാതാപിതാക്കളുടെ അഞ്ചുമക്കളിൽ ഏറ്റവും ഇളയതായിരുന്നു. അവൾക്ക് രണ്ടരവയസ്സുള്ളപ്പോൾ കുടുംബം വാഴ്സയിലേക്ക് താമസം മാറ്റി. അഞ്ചാം വയസ്സിൽ ഇടുപ്പിന് ബാധിച്ച രോഗത്തിന്റെ ഫലമായി ഒരല്പം മുടന്തുമായി റോസയ്ക്ക് ശിഷ്ടജീവിതം നയിക്കേണ്ടിവന്നു. വംശീയ അസമത്വത്തിന്റെ രുചി കുഞ്ഞുന്നാളിലേ അനുഭവിച്ചറിയാൻ റോസയ്ക്ക് സാധിച്ചിരുന്നു. വാഴ്സയിലെ മികച്ച ഒരു വിദ്യാലയത്തിൽ പ്രവേശനം തേടിച്ചെന്ന റോസയുടെ പിതാവിന് കിട്ടിയ മറുപടി, അവിടെ ജൂതക്കുട്ടികൾക്ക് പ്രവേശനമില്ല എന്നായിരുന്നു. റോസയിലെ വിപ്ലവകാരിയെ ഉണർത്താൻ സ്വാഭാവിക മായും ഈ അനുഭവവും ഒരു പ്രേരണയായിട്ടുണ്ടാവണം.   സാർ ഭരണത്തിൻ കീഴിൽ അടിച്ചമർത്തപ
Recent posts

Marx’s Theory of Alienation

Capitalist alienation is a Marxist notion that refers to individuals' estrangement or separation from their work, the output of their labour, and each other within the capitalist mode of production. This phenomena arises from capitalism's fundamental contradictions, which result in a system in which labour is commodified and employees are reduced to mere appendages of the means of production. Capitalist alienation happens when labour is converted into a commodity that can be bought and sold on the market just like any other commodity. As a result, the labour of the worker is separated from the product, and the worker is alienated from the outcome of their labour. Furthermore, workers are cut off from their own creative potential because their job is dictated by the necessities of the capitalist system rather than their own aspirations and interests. "The alienation of man thus appeared as the fundamental evil of capitalist society.”   ―   Karl Marx , Selected Writings in

Analysis of Marx's "On the Jewish Question"

Marx's most explicit work on the subject of human rights is "On the Jewish Question" which appeared in 1844 in the "Deutsch-Französische Jahrbücher". In this article, Marx takes a polemic against the ideas of his old friend and master Bruno Bauer, who had recently turned against the battle of German Jews for full citizenship rights, as has been the situation in France since Napoleon. Bauer's criticism of the Jewish citizen's rights campaign was based on the fact that as an emancipation movement it was not radical enough, in his opinion. According to Bauer... the people are guilty of a huge mistake in disconnecting the Jewish question from the general question of the time and [they] did not consider that not only the Jews, but also we want to be emancipated." According to Bauer, the Jewish question was not settled with the offering of citizens' rights to the Jewish population since the roots of this question were very deep, notably in the (Jewish

Privatization in Nazi Germany

A research study was conducted by the University of Barcelona which analyzed German newspapers, media outlets and government documents from 1933 when the Nazis took power all the way to 1941. The University found that the Nazis engaged in heavy privatization of the economy and removed a lot of the public utilities and ownership that was seen under the Weimar Republic prior to the Nazis taking power. From Adam Tooze, The Wages of Destruction: The Making and Breaking of the Nazi Economy. Some examples of Nazi privatization can be seen with these different economic sectors and utilities. In an article published in the Der Deutsche Volkswirt in February 1934, Heinz Marschner proposed: This proposal was related to the Nazi government's support for returning the ownership of urban transportation back to the private sector. Several months later, Hans Baumgarten analyzed the conditions required for the re-privatization in the German banking sector. Discussion of privatization was increa

On "Why I am an Atheist", an essay by Bhagat Singh

Bhagat Singh wrote "Why I Am An Atheist" in 1930 while he was a prisoner in the Lahore Central Jail. "The People", a weekly publication by Lala Lajpat Rai, published this book in 1931. To be clear, this is a 24-page essay rather than a book. This essay opens with a question whether vanity was the cause of Bhagat Singh’s atheism. Obviously, so many people had blamed him of being an atheist and he responded to this accusation clearly through this essay. He claimed that neither arrogance nor vanity prevented him from keeping his belief. He rejects the existence of the omnipotent supreme entity; vanity is not the cause of his denial.  Bhagat Singh has been atheist since he was a young, ordinary man. He comes from a pretty religious household. He used to spend hours reciting the Gayatri Mantra in class, in fact. But ultimately he started questioning his belief, and he began to think on disbelief. When he joined the revolutionary party and when he came to know his comrade

Stalin on the “Cult of Personality”

There are numerous narratives arguing that Stalin was fond of personality. But the fact is that Stalin was critical of "the cult of personality". Those western facts are totally baseless. Stalin's letters and speeches are good examples to debunk the lies. Joseph Stalin speaking on the radio J.V. Stalin – Speech Delivered at the First All-Union Congress of Collective Farm Shock Brigadiers ”Finally, a few words about the letter written by the collective farmers of Bezenchuk. This letter has been published, and you must have read it. It is unquestionably a good letter. It shows that among our collective farmers there are not a few experienced and intelligent organisers and agitators in the cause of collective farming, who are the pride of our country. But this letter contains one incorrect passage with which we cannot possibly agree. The point is that the Bezenchuk comrades describe their work in the collective farm as modest and all but insignificant work, whereas they desc

Why can't I be a Trotskyist? My Disagreements with Trotsky

Ev en after Leon Trotsky and his theories passed away, a tiny minority still exists within the far-left society. These folks have been around since the beginning of the Russian Revolution and are referred to as "Trotskyists."  Leon Trotsky at his desk, 1919 These Trotskyists are the misinterpretations of Marxism's devoted supporters. They make an effort to undermine Marxist-Leninism by presenting a defective theory of revolution.  Even anti-Communists are spreading the notion that "The Soviet Union Would Have Survived If Trotsky Took Power." That is a wholly bogus narrative. So let's talk about why the "Permanent Revolution" thesis is so incorrect. And what is said about Marxism by this theory? TWO-STAGE THEORY OF REVOLUTION A complex theory that cannot be succinctly articulated in a few phrases, Permanent Revolution can mislead people's perceptions of what Trotsky was actually supporting.  The theory behind "Two-Stage Theory," or sta

On The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact

Since the end of World War II, the bourgeois historiography has made an effort to embellish a number of events in order to disparage Socialism and the USSR. One of these occurrences, known as the "Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact," was struck in 1939 and has served as a "banner" for supporters of imperialism and other anti-communists. The Molotov-Ribbentrop pact is portrayed by bourgeois propaganda as a tool of expansion policy by the USSR and Hitler's Germany in its illogical, unhistorical attempt to connect Communism with Nazism. By distorting historical facts and combining lies and half-truths, Imperialists and their allies hope to discredit the Soviet Union's significant contribution to the anti-fascist campaign during World War 2. The reality, however, is not the same as what the bourgeois historiography portrays. In order to disprove the anti-communist propaganda surrounding the Molotov-Ribbentrop non-aggression pact, we will now look at the circumstances and e