Sharing you the most significant essay written by Bhagat Singh just a few days before he was executed. this part of To The Young Political Workers can tell you two things:
1. What were the plans of Bhagat Singh to bring the socialist revolution in India.
2. The plan has not become obsolete and still stands relevant. if you are a young person involved in politics (or wish to be involved) and a question haunts you "how does such a revolution is brought?" this will help you.
For any revolutionary party a definite programme is very essential. First, you must know that revolution means action. It means a change brought about deliberately by an organized and systematic work, as opposed to sudden and unorganised or spontaneous change or breakdown.
And for the formulation of a programme, one must necessarily study:
1. The goal.
2. The premises from where were to start, (the existing conditions).
2. The premises from where were to start, (the existing conditions).
3. The course of action, i.e., the means and methods.
Unless one has a clear notion about these three factors, one cannot discuss anything about programme.
We want a socialist revolution, the indispensable preliminary to which is the political revolution. That is what we want.
We want a socialist revolution, the indispensable preliminary to which is the political revolution. That is what we want.
The political revolution does not mean the transfer of state (or more crudely, the power) from the hands of the British to the Indian, but to those Indians who are at one with us as to the final goal, or to be more precise, the power to be transferred to the revolutionary party through popular support.
After that, to proceed in right earnest is to organize the reconstruction of the whole society on the socialist basis.
If you do not mean this revolution, then please have mercy. Stop shouting "Long Live Revolution." The term revolution is too sacred, at least to us, to be so lightly used or misused. But if you say you are for the national revolution and the aims of your struggle is an Indian republic of the type of the United State of America, then I ask you to please let known on what forces you rely that will help you bring about that revolution.
Congress leaders do not dare to organize those forces. But if you say that you will approach the peasants and labourers to enlist their active support, let me tell you that they are not going to be fooled by any sentimental talk. They ask you quite candidly: what are they going to gain by your revolution for which you demand their sacrifices, what difference res it make to them whether Lord Reading is the head of the Indian government or Sir Purshotamdas Thakordas?
What difference for a peasant if Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru replaces Lord Irwin! It is useless to appeal to his national sentiment. You can't "use" him for your purpose; you shall have to mean seriously and to make him understand that the revolution is going to be his and for his good
The revolution of the proletariat and for the proletariat.
When you have formulated this clear-cut idea about your goals you can proceed in right earnest to organize your forces for such an action. Now there are two different phases through which you shall have to pass.
When you have formulated this clear-cut idea about your goals you can proceed in right earnest to organize your forces for such an action. Now there are two different phases through which you shall have to pass.
First, the preparation; second, the action. Leave sentimentalism aside. Be prepared to face the facts. Revolution is a very difficult task. It is beyond the power of any man to make a revolution. Neither can it be brought about on any appointed date.
It is brought can it be brought about on an appointed date. It is brought about by special environments, social and economic. The function of an organized party is to utilise an such opportunity offered by these circumstances. And to prepare the masses and organize the forces for the revolution is a very difficult task.
And that required a very great sacrifice on the part of the revolutionary workers.
We have already very many such leaders who spare some evening hours for delivering speeches. They are useless. We require to use the term so dear to Lenin - the "professional revolutionaries". The whole-time workers who have no other ambitions or life-work except the revolution. The greater the number of such workers organized into a party, the great the chances of your success. The party requires workers which can be recruited only through the youth movement. Hence we find the youth movement as the starting point of our programme. The youth movement should organize study circles, class lectures and publication of leaflets, pamphlets, books and periodicals.
This is the best recruiting and training ground for political workers.
Those young men who may have matured their ideas and may find them selves ready to devote their life to the cause, may be transferred to the party. The party workers shall always guide and control the work of the youth movement as well. The party should start with the work of mass propaganda. It is very essential.
This party of political workers, bound by strict discipline, should handle all other movements.
It shall have to organize the peasants' and workers' parties, labour unions, and kindred political bodes. And in order to create political consciousness, not only of national politics but class politics as well, the party should organize a big publishing campaign, enlightening the masses of the socialist theory shall be wit in easy reach and distributed widely. The writings should be simple and clear.
Apart from these, there shall necessarily be organized a military depart ment. This is very important...
Let me announced with all the strength at my command, that I am not a terrorist and I never was, excepted perhaps in the beginning of my revolutionary career. And I am convinced that we cannot gain anything through those methods.
One can easily judge it from the history of the HSRA. All our activities were directed towards an aim, i.e., identifying ourselves with the great movement as its military wing. If anybody has misunderstood me, let him amend his ideas.
I do not mean that bombs and pistols are useless, rather the contrary. But I mean to say that mere bomb-throwing is not only useless but sometimes harmful. The military department of the party should always keep ready all the war-material it can command for any emergency. It should back the political work of party. It cannot and should not work independently.
On these lines indicated above, the party should proceed with its work. Through periodical meetings and conferences they should go on educating and enlightening their workers on all topics.
If you start the work on these lines, you shall have to be very sober. The programme requires at least twenty years for its fulfillment. Cast aside the youthful dreams of a revolution within ten years of Gandhi's utopian promises of Swaraj in One Year. It requires neither the emotion nor the death, but the life of constant struggle, suffering and sacrifice.
Crush your individuality first. Shake off the dreams of personal Comfort. Then start to work. Inch by inch you shall have to proceed. It needs courage, perseverance and very strong determination. No difficulties and no hardships shall discourage you. No failure and betrayals shall dishearten you.
No travails imposed upon you shall snuff out the revolutionary will in you. Through the ordeal of sufferings and sacrifice you shall come out victorious. And these individual victories shall be the valuable assets of the revolution.
LONG LIVE REVOLUTION
2nd February, 1931
LONG LIVE REVOLUTION
2nd February, 1931
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